Chapter 74: Chapter 18: Charity Fraud Scandal
Between nations, interests are always the primary concern. While Franz is scheming against the Russians, the Tsarist government is also plotting against Austria.
This kind of scheming has nothing to do with alliances; everyone acts within certain bounds. As long as interests prevail over conflicts, the alliance between the two parties remains reliable.
After the establishment of the Russo-Austrian alliance, the Tsarist government relaxed its pressure on Prussia.
Obviously, after Austria revealed its ambitions in the South German region, the Tsarist government feared that Austria would unify the entire German region, threatening their continental dominance, and thus prepared to let the Prussians balance against Austria.
The most evident manifestation of this is that the diplomatic pressure exerted by Russia on the Kingdom of Prussia is not as strong as before.
To some extent, Franz unintentionally assisted the Prussians. However, this assistance wasn't significant enough to allow the Russians to let the Kingdom of Prussia annex Schleswig-Holstein.
Russia wasn't ready to give up on Denmark, a minor ally, as the Tsarist government needed a stable Northern Europe. The expansion of the Kingdom of Prussia had already disrupted the balance in Northern Europe.
The Tsarist government was in a dilemma. The best choice would be to let the Kingdom of Prussia develop in the central German region, delaying Austria's unification of South German states.
However, they couldn't let Prussia unify the German region, as it didn't align with Russian strategy. From the Tsarist government's perspective, Austria, as an ally, was the best choice.
Austria was powerful enough and didn't pose a threat to Russian strength. Importantly, the Habsburg dynasty was aging, and any old empire found rejuvenation quite challenging.
In contrast, emerging young empires were more daunting. Being young means being in an ascent phase with limitless possibilities. Unfortunately for the Russians, the Kingdom of Prussia had the potential to become such an empire.
The Russians were conflicted. On one hand, they wanted Prussia to counterbalance Austria; on the other hand, they were concerned that Prussia might be swayed by Britain and France, potentially betraying Russia or Austria at crucial moments.
In Tsar Nicholas I's view, the best option was to draw the Kingdom of Prussia into an alliance, reviving the "Three Northern Courts" era or the "Three Emperors' Alliance."
It sounds easy but is hard to achieve.
At the root, it's all about interests. The Russians couldn't sacrifice the interests of the Danish, which would discourage allies.
Next, letting Prussia and Austria jointly partition the German region would be difficult. Clearly, the North German region alone would hardly satisfy the Prussians.
If Prussia tried to reach out to the German region, not only would Austria be intolerant, even Tsar Nicholas I wouldn't endure it. He couldn't allow the birth of a German Empire.
Furthermore, if Prussia and Austria partitioned the German region, the enlarged Kingdom of Prussia would certainly block Russia's westward path.
After defeating their enemies, the "Three Emperors' Alliance" might then see Prussia and Austria joining forces against Russia. Cultivating such potential adversaries would be unpleasant.
In St. Petersburg, to address this troublesome issue, Tsar Nicholas I convened a special imperial council.
The Prime Minister was the first to speak: "Your Majesty, either we should fully embrace the Kingdom of Prussia, continuing the Treaty of Berlin; or we should join forces to suppress Prussia, ensuring they can't disrupt our plans."
Everyone knew the answer to this choice. Suppressing the Kingdom of Prussia would be simple by joining Austria and hitting them hard, ensuring Prussia wouldn't rise for a decade or two.
But the issue is, after suppressing Prussia, Austria's goal might shift from annexing South Germany to unifying the whole of Germany.
If suppression isn't feasible, then courting Prussia is the alternative. But that comes with a cost, which the Russians aren't willing to bear.
Foreign Minister Karl Vasilyevich Nesselrode proposed, "Your Majesty, the Prussians are ambitious. Currently, there are two unification ideologies in the German region: one led by Austria to establish Greater Germany, and the other led by Prussia, excluding Austria, to establish Lesser Germany. The latter is Prussia's aim. They're very clear about their goal – to unify Germany, and their initiation of the Danish War is in pursuit of this objective.
If we support Prussian unification of the German region, they'll surely join the alliance. However, Austria will certainly object. Perhaps, before our strategy even begins, Prussia and Austria might already be at war."
Nicholas I, frowning, inquired, "Is the North German Federation not enough to satisfy the Prussians?"
By the standards of Russia, which upholds the principle of might is right, one should share benefits proportional to one's power. Currently, the Kingdom of Prussia ranks lowest among the major powers, or one could say it's just a quasi-great power.
Later generations praised the Kingdom of Prussia because they unified Germany and established the mighty Second German Empire, elevating their status.
However, it doesn't mean that they, with a population of 13 million, possess the strength comparable to other great nations.
"Your Majesty, we can try to appease the Prussians with the North German Federation. If that doesn't work, we can lure them to expand into the Low Countries," suggested Foreign Minister Karl.
The 19th century was an era of expansion. Every country wanted to expand its power. Not expanding during this period was equivalent to a slow suicide.
Even major countries like Spain were battered during this period. For geographically challenged countries like Prussia and Austria, if they didn't expand and strengthen, they'd be vulnerable to Russian westward advances or French eastward expeditions.
Development through agriculture alone was too slow without adequate markets and industrial raw materials. The progress achieved in two or three decades through agriculture might be eclipsed by the results others achieve in just a couple of years.
"That won't do. Letting Prussia annex the North German states is already risky. If they also acquire Belgium and the Netherlands, we'll have another France on our hands," the Prime Minister argued passionately.
"Prime Minister, our path to western expansion is already blocked. Even if the Kingdom of Prussia becomes powerful, they can't counter-attack Russia. As long as we stir up conflict between Prussia and Austria, our western front will be stable. Focusing our efforts on the Mediterranean should be our national policy," Karl retorted.
...
The Russians were embroiled in internal disputes, which alleviated the diplomatic pressure on Prussia and gave the Prussians a misconception. It seemed that as long as they defeated the Danes and established a fait accompli, the Russians would compromise.
Influenced by this, the Prussian army quickly defeated the Danes at the front. On April 9, 1849, the Prussian troops entered the Jutland Peninsula once again.
Unlike their previous restraint, this time the Prussians marched aggressively to force the Kingdom of Denmark to compromise. Before April ended, half of the Jutland Peninsula had fallen.
If the Danes hadn't had the foresight to establish their capital on Zealand, and given that the Prussian navy was weak, the Prussian army might have reached their heartland.
Unable to withstand the pressure, they turned to the top authority, Tsar Nicholas I, who was also angered by the Prussians' actions.
Did they not consider who they were offending? He had repeatedly ordered a halt, yet they continued military operations, completely disregarding him.
Feeling his dignity was challenged, the Russians immediately took action.
On May 7, 1849, two Russian infantry divisions landed on the Jutland Peninsula, blocking the advance of the Prussian army.
Conflict seemed inevitable, but Friedrich Wilhelm IV faltered. Messages from St. Petersburg indicated that Russian patience had reached its limit.
Starting a war is easy, but ending one is difficult. Although Friedrich Wilhelm IV had suppressed the revolutionary party domestically, Prussia wasn't solely under his control.
The military's successes on the front were not entirely a good thing. The public's attention shifted to the Prussian-Danish war, and they forgot about the suppression of the revolution.
But the aftermath of rising nationalism also arrived. The public could not tolerate failure, especially when they were winning on the battlefield, and any government concessions would be unacceptable.
Ceasing hostilities was acceptable, but giving up the Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein was not. This was a matter of principle. Whoever compromised would be branded a traitor.
Supporting Prussia wasn't just Austria; all the states in the German region contributed, including those in the North German region that leaned towards Prussia.
It could be said that the entire German region, both in spirit and in practice, supported Prussia. If this spiritual support turned into substantive support, then Friedrich Wilhelm IV wouldn't need to falter.
Vienna:
"Your Majesty, the Prussian ambassador to Vienna has sought our help. After the Foreign Ministry rejected them, they proposed to raise war funds in Austria," Metternich said with a smile.
Raising war funds? This brilliant idea was conceived by Franz for the Prussian government. However, public money isn't easily obtained.
If they take the money and fail to deliver on their promises, the resentment from those who donated will be immense.
"In that case, let's cooperate with them. We'll send representatives to help them raise funds and create a momentum in the German region, perhaps inflating the actual amount given.
The Foreign Ministry, on behalf of the Austrian government, will donate ten million shillings to Prussia in support of their military actions to reclaim the Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein for the German Confederation.
But there's no hurry to give them this money. Find an excuse to delay it. If that becomes impossible, claim financial difficulties and pay in installments," Franz suggested after some thought.
Franz didn't mind using this tactic which might be labeled as a "scam" in the 21st century. After all, it's not that they wouldn't pay.
As long as Prussia could bring the two German duchies back into the embrace of the German Confederation, Austria would pay.
If Prussia couldn't withstand the pressure and gave up Schleswig-Holstein, which were already within their grasp, they wouldn't need to pay. And they could rally the German states' public to protest at the Prussian embassy, demanding a refund of their hard-earned money.
"Yes, Your Majesty," Metternich responded.
One wonders how thrilled the Prussian representative would be upon hearing this news. Hopefully, it wouldn't be too overwhelming.
CREATORS' THOUGHTS 
SusshiRoll
SusshiRoll Check chapter comment for more info.
I could have added it into paragraph comment but not everyone has that turned on, I personally don't when I read stuff.